George Kerevan is in rehab

You have to feel sorry for George Kerevan. A clearly talented man and proficient writer but as an MP in Westminster he clearly feels the tension between nationalist propaganda and his own integrity as an intellectual. 

We saw the latter with his warts and all piece in City AM on the short term harmful impact of an fixed currency peg on Scotland. Whilst I disagree with the conclusions of this piece (they are not nearly scratching the surface of the pain a currency peg would cause) they were at least at attempt at being honest with supporters of independence. George made the mistake of telling nationalists that it wouldn't be a land of milk and honey. 

The trouble is that the article was just too honest for the SNP, poor George was forced to publish a humiliating retraction on social media. 

His recent article in the National then can been seen as part of his "rehab" into the SNP. 

Rather than attempt to use his obvious intellect to present a deep analysis of GERS, its challenges, its methodology, its messages for an independent Scotland he has issued a blunt piece of propaganda. 

I have very little doubt he would have winced as he signed off on this "article". I also have little doubt that it was first drafted for him by a lowly intern in the SNP office who has the job of issuing disinformation on social media and clearly doesn't know much about economics. . 

I've added my own comments in red throughout the article. 



HOORAY for public-sector deficits. Let’s get this straight in the current brouhaha over the latest Scottish Government Expenditure and Revenue figures, aka GERS.

At this time, with the global economy mired in semi-permanent deflation, the correct government response anywhere is not just to run a budget deficit but to increase it. In fact, many economists – including fervent defenders of neoliberal orthodoxy – are talking about the need for so-called “helicopter money”, by which the central bank simply prints cash and puts it directly into your bank account to spend, no strings attached.

OK we're not onto a good start here and we have the first "tell" that this probably wasn't first drafted by George Kerevan. The issue with GERS is not the deficit itself but the loss of the fiscal transfer. 

So it defies logic that in the middle of this grave economic crisis the Unionist camp is busily using a putative Scottish budget deficit for last financial year (2015-16) as a reason to oppose independence.

The Unionists aren't using the deficit itself as a reason to oppose independence, they are using it to beg very difficult questions. The outright refusal to recognise that there is an issue (that this sort or piece is a great example of) just demonstrates the sort of shifty case that the SNP are now trying to put forward.

If Scotland were already independent – and leaving aside the fact that, like Norway, we would have run our economy very differently from the UK in the past decades

Yes George that's the question we keep asking but nationalists aren't prepared to address. What would you do differently? Maybe if you actually bothered to answer that question rather than asserting things would be different and you would have some credibility?

 – any Scottish Government would be being praised for boosting spending in order to haul Europe and the rest of the British Isles out of deflation.

Another "tell" that this hasn't been drafted by someone who understands economics. The idea that an independent Scottish Government boosting public spending on its own would have a huge effect on the economy is laughable. Given the integration of the Scottish and rUK economy that stimulus would rapidly leak down south and have very little impact on either economy. It would therefore end up being a huge waste of money, it is therefore unlikely then that.... 

Firms in England would be clamouring for their own government to follow suit.


According to GERS, Scotland’s notional budget deficit last year was 9.5 per cent of GDP. Let’s take that as correct for the moment, though I have always held that the GERS figures understate Scottish tax revenues – a lot of tax generated north of the Border is currently recorded as accruing in England.

Well this is new and quite a revelation. An SNP MP is criticising the methodology created by his own Scottish Government. I would love to know which revenues are understated in GERS seeing as Income Tax is by direct survey of the underlying data of residence and corporation tax is based on economic activity not on head office location. 

 Now 9.5 per cent of GDP is high for normal times, but not when the global economy is mired in deflation and major companies in the US and UK are sitting on piles of cash rather than investing, because they can’t find profitable outlets for their money. In these peculiar conditions, it is up to the public sector to spend.

Actually it's up to the public sector to get that money moving, either by taxes on idle balances or by reducing interest rates through through quantitative easing. If the state simply borrows to pick up the slack then it comes to a point that given the size of the deficit it runs out of credibility to do so. You therefore end up with a runaway deficit requiring painful tax rises and deep public service cuts. This happened in the UK in the late 1970s and in Greece in recent times. 

Japan, for instance, has just raised its annual budget deficit to 7.1 per cent of GDP and received praise all round. For the record, Japan’s total national debt stands at 229.2 per cent of GDP and rising and the roof hasn’t fallen in. Result: Japan has some of the most splendid public roofs on the planet. In normal times, economists suggest running a budget deficit roughly in line with a country’s average trend rate of growth. That way you generate the wherewithal to fund your extra borrowing as you go along. But if the world is stuck in a deflationary spiral, the correct move is for governments to borrow heavily to kick-start demand – something facilitated by the fact that deflation results in the cost of public borrowing dropping to zero.

A reasonable statement of Keynesian. However any good Keynesian would tell you that to make this work you would need to manage leakages (which would be huge from the open Scottish economy) and you would need to have credibility with borrowers. 

Given the size of the Scottish deficit international lenders would be demanding action from Scotland to get the deficit down not to push it upwards. The Japanese method of funding their deficit from domestic saving isn't an option as it would simply reduce demand in Scotland as people stopped buying to invest in Scottish Government bonds. 

All of this is very, very basic economic theory and practice. 


For some small European nations, the yield paid on bonds (which governments sell to raise money) is now negative. In other words, investors are willing to pay for the privilege of lending to Switzerland, Sweden and Denmark, bonkers as that might seem. Investors do so because they have to put their cash somewhere and it is better to keep it in a safe haven (like Swiss bonds) than risk losing the lot. So the Swiss government can now borrow cash for fifty years at a lower-than-zero rate of interest.

Earlier this year, the Danish Government actually cancelled a scheduled auction of its securities because too much foreign cash was desperate to flood into the country. From this evidence, the notion that an independent Scotland would be a fiscal basket case is risible.

What is risible is to try to pretend that an independent Scotland would have range of investors willing to bankroll a small open economy using cash to fund public spending that would rapidly leak away creating an even bigger deficit. 

Furthermore as I show here the concept of Scotland running a deficit which is substantially higher than rUK is a ridiculous notion unless Scotland was comfortable seeing its new currency tumble on the markets. 

For the record, I accept that a 9.5 per cent deficit is high. But it’s not an argument for being scared of independence. Quite the opposite. 

Indeed a high deficit is itself not an argument for being scared of independence. The loss of a fiscal transfer of £9bn with no one prepared to give you a plan how you would pay for it a reason though. 

This shifty sort of denial and deliberate confusion between the deficit and the fiscal transfer should make any rational individual question exactly what the author has to hide. 

The Unionists – particularly the uber sort in what’s left of Scottish Labour – argue that being part of the UK provides the “insurance” and “sharing” that funds the Scottish budget deficit. The truth is that the Union has worked systematically over the decades to Scotland’s economic disadvantage, resulting in deindustrialisation, mass outward migration and the wholesale transfer of commercial decision-making to London. That’s true for the North of England, Wales and Northern Ireland, by the way.

That's true of any open capitalist system, the golden triangle of Europe has been a long known phenomena with capital drawn to a centre. This has only increased since the abolition of capital controls which means that the draw of capital to the centre tends to ignore national boundaries. 

You'll note how George carefully says Northern Ireland, ignoring the fact that London draws people and capital from Eire as well. 

The solution then is to use fiscal transfers from the centre out to those areas affected by increasing returns to rebalance the economy. That's an argument for the Union, it may even be an argument increasing the size of the fiscal transfer to Scotland. 

Independence however reduces the fiscal transfer to zero, like Eire, whilst the draw of capital to the golden triangle continues. This just simply makes the problem George outlines worse.  


Champions of Britishness, like Scottish Labour’s Kevin Hague, 

Kevin Hague isn't Scottish Labour, this is another "tell" that this has been ghosted by some immature SNP intern in charge of social media. 

end up being apologists for a rotten capitalist system that has bled Scotland dry. 

Fair enough if George (suddenly) thinks the capitalist system is rotten, but come on George tell us the alternative model. 

The argument as it stands can ONLY make sense if George is now arguing for capital controls in an independent Scotland. But that wouldn't be possible in the EU and the practical introduction of them would make Greece look like a walk in the park. 

Hague prattles on about the need for more “entrepreneurial spirit” being subverted and diverted by calls for independence. He worries that an indyref2 will hurt business confidence to invest. But UK firms are sitting on piles of spare cash here and now.

Good strawman here from George. Kevin Hague actually said that the entrepreneurial spirit is being subverted and diverted by people just blaming London for our problems rather than facing up to them and seeking solutions. 

George's article is a textbook example of exactly the sort of thing Kevin Hague was warning about. The irony here is breathtaking. 

According to the Bank of England, over the last decade private non-financial companies in the UK have accumulated a higher proportion of cash on their balance sheets than before – more than £500 billion. As a share of GDP, corporate cash in the UK has risen from 20 per cent in 1987 to about 30 per cent today. This money is not being used for socially productive ends because it is not deemed “profitable” enough to invest. Yet we need houses, schools and hospitals galore. Hague fails to understand that capitalism is a power and class system.

This only makes sense, again, if George is now calling for an independent Scotland to increase business taxes (taxes he recently championed being cut in the White Paper on independence). Furthermore it was only 5 years ago that George was arguing that wealth taxes do not work. But perhaps we are at least getting a hint here about the SNP's policy towards the loss of the fiscal transfer, a sharp increases in business taxes and a wealth tax. 

The question is whether these will actually bring in revenue for the Scottish Government, the evidence on this is not good. Indeed the evidence on the most successful approach to business tax points to the harmonisation of such taxes across national boundaries. Such as the arrangement we have with the Union. 


Without independence, Scotland lacks the ability to break the control over investment flows exerted by big firms and international banks.

Yes without independence Scotland does lack the ability to break control over investment flows. But being a member of the EU also means Scotland lacks this ability! Even if we did the capital outflows at the point of independence would be devastating. 

It's quite remarkable, either George is advocating that the SNP abandon it's policy of remaining in the EU or he's just spouting what he knows to be empty rhetoric. 


As for the argument that, in current circumstances, Scotland is being bailed out by rUK, consider this. Norway has roughly the same population as Scotland and is also having to contend with the impact of falling oil revenues. So what size of budget deficit is Norway running? Answer: none. For Norway is able to use the cushion of its Sovereign Wealth Fund, the world’s biggest, built up over the decades by saving and re-investing in equities some of the proceeds of its oil wealth. In other words, Norway used its oil bonanza to save for a rainy day. But Scotland, inside the UK, has been robbed of that opportunity.

George forgets to mention that Norway takes in 43.6% of its GDP in taxes, the UK takes in 39%. Take the difference between the two and you have the makings of a sovereign wealth fund right there. However that's just a substantial increase in tax, maybe that's how George plans paying for the fiscal transfer? The effect would be devastating on growth in an independent Scotland, so surely not? But  going by what follows it seems like that it is the case. 

Instead, the oil revenues were squandered by successive UK Governments on short-term tax cuts. If just 10 per cent of UK tax receipts from the North Sea had been put into an oil fund starting in 1980 and continuing until 2008, and if the nominal return had been three per cent, the value of the fund would be £24bn per annum. That’s more than enough to cover any deficit in Scotland’s budget, even allowing for any recent fall in share prices and company dividend payments. (I’m quoting figures from the respected academic Jim Gallagher, an advisor to the Better Together campaign.)

This is a beyond bizarre argument, and again I think it's a "tell" to the real author. 

"George" is basically arguing that if he had a time machine this is how the world would pan out. Fair enough but we can all do that, in fact I would just go back a few years and win the lottery along with the Wiers. However the point being made here is ridiculous, if you went back in time then George would cut spending in Scotland and direct it to an oil fund. OK but where would those substantial cuts in public spending have fallen? What would have been the loss of economic output as a result of those savings? That's the problem with trying to rewrite history, only in the most simplistic mind does it actually get you anywhere. 


The argument that Scotland needs to cling to the Union because those nice folk in the Tory Treasury are always there to bail out we feckless Scots is palpable historical nonsense. From the discovery of North Sea oil onwards, the SNP argued vociferously for a Sovereign Oil Fund to be created, to save a proportion of the windfall tax revenues in perpetuity.

Let's also recall that even if you take the ridiculous notion that the world started in 1980 then the oil fund  such that we would have built up in Scotland would be all gone, Just when we need it the most. 

The analysis below is based on rolling up the accumulated net debt for Scotland if it were independent in 1980 (and took a population share of UK debt at that point). The debt or surplus is then rolled at UK gilt rates.  It shows our actual debt today would be greater than our current population share of UK debt. 





Any independent Scottish Government would have pursued this strategy.

I see we have now moved from "should" to "would" again a ridiculous statement with no foundation and not even backed up by the analysis.  

Today’s Scottish budget deficit would not exist if Scotland had been independent over the past 50 years. If anything, our alleged 9.5 per cent budget deficit was caused by the Union and the short-termism of genuinely feckless Tory and Labour governments at Westminster.

No our fiscal transfer is caused mainly by our sparse population, this is something George doesn't want to confront so he just blames Westminster - utterly vindicating Kevin Hague's criticism. 

Arguing that we need to continue with this Unionist ball and chain is a recipe for national economic suicide for Scotland. That is the real lesson of GERS.

George, I think that the real lessons of this article:

1. It's highly unlikely that you wrote the first draft of this.
2. You clearly know that much of what is being said in your name is nothing but complete nonsense.
3. You are obviously still serving a penance for your outbreak of honesty in City AM.
4. You are an intelligent man, George. You are better than this. Why allow your good reputation to be sullied in this way by putting your name to this? Hopefully one day they will let you out of rehab. 

5. The real lesson of GERS is that the SNP just don't have an answer for it, other than policies which they don't apparently espouse (tax increases) or fly in the face of their own policy of remaining in the EU. 




A Unionist tries to help out the Nationalists - Part 2 (Currency)


In the first part of my note on the case for independence I noted real questions GERS begs of the nationalist movement. I now turn to the soft underbelly of the case for independence in 2014: currency.

Currency is probably the most fundamental decision that a new government could take. Get it wrong (like Argentina or Greece) and you can kiss goodbye to your economic growth for a generation.

Before getting into this it's worth noting that trying to disparage Sterling won't cut any ice with a No voter, the retention of the Pound was the cornerstone of the nationalist case for independence in 2014. The much hailed (by the SNP) Fiscal Commission Working Group concluded, strongly, that the retention of the Pound was very much in Scotland's interest. To pretend that the Pound is now not the best option for Scotland is just not credible.

However we all know now that a currency union is off the table. The Currency Union refusal by the three main Westminster Parties was not a bluff and the policy has been quietly dropped by the SNP and they, quite rightly, openly speculate about alternatives.

Therefore a Sterling Currency Union isn't an option (ditto joining the Euro), similarly just using (not keeping) the Pound isn't an option either - so it seems we are just left with a new currency.

As highlighted here, finding a new currency is not an easy task.

The Peg
A pegged currency would provide some nice window dressing to the case for independence.

Scottish Pounds could be exchanged easily in the UK for Sterling as they were guaranteed by the Scottish Government, indeed it would feel much like the position we have now when we shop in England with plastic cards or Scottish notes.
However it comes with great costs and great risks as I outline in detail. The concept of borrowing is largely out of the window and Scotland would need to run a surplus to get there. That has huge implications for the decisions that a new Government would need to make in respect of spending cuts and tax rises. It would also make Scotland a tempting target for speculative attacks.

None of this is appealing however if supporters of independence think that they can make the case for this then it would be one I would love to hear. I think it was telling when the SNP's economics expert George Kerevan proposed a pegged currency (warts and all) he was rather obviously instructed to disown it as party policy.

The Float
Alternatively rather than a peg Scotland could adopt a free floating currency. A perfectly viable option but one that the SNP campaigned hard against during the independence referendum. Salmond dubbed the costs of a free float to business (around £500M) which he dubbed the "George Tax". This time it's likely to be the "Derek Tax".

The uncertainty surrounding a free floating new Scottish Currency would be significant, especially if the Scottish Government couldn't answer the questions related to tax increases and spending cuts. This would all disrupt trade in what is a tightly integrated single market in the UK. It would all have, as Nicola sturgeon says, "deeply damaging and painful consequences" and would make Brexit look like a walk in the park.
Furthermore to maintain some sort of stability between Sterling, the Euro and the Scots Pound Scotland would be forced to maintain a similar deficit to that of the cUK and Eurozone members. That's a significant practical curtailment of Scottish sovereignty and places great pressure on an incoming Scottish Government in respect of tax increases and spending cuts.

The Sterling Surrogacy
Now whilst I ruled out keeping the Pound as an option for an independent Scotland, I think there is a viable way for an independent Scotland to keep the Pound. The trouble is I don't believe that this option would be popular many nationalists : the formal adoption of Sterling within a UK currency zone through a Currency "Surrogacy".
This may sound like a Currency Union but it's not. A Currency Union means that final decisions over monetary and fiscal policy as well as areas like banking regulation are decided by agreement between members of the Union. So both Scotland and cUK would be tied by the decisions of some joint body, say a British Economic Council and Bank of Britain.
A Currency Surrogacy on the other hand means that Scotland would have no say whatsoever over such decisions with all of them lying with the cUK. 

In practical day to day terms this would mean that the Scottish Government would continue to use the Pound but monetary policy would be set by the cUK government only taking into account cUK circumstances. Scotland would have no representatives on the Bank of England and would have to go along with what was decided by the cUK. To protect the currency and approve its use the cUK government would insist that Scottish Budgets were legally obliged to be approved by cUK before enactment. This would be to ensure that there is no question of the Scottish Government borrowing to excess and endangering Sterling. This effectively means that the Scottish budget deficit would have to be at least as good as that of the cUK.

To stop financial services organisations either having to relocate their official operations to cUK (that's much more than a brass plate), which would have substantive effects on GDP and tax revenue the Scottish Government, would also have to ceed control and regulation of financial services to the Bank of England (again with no Scottish input).

It's a description of independence that Osborne (in his Sermon on the Pound) argued would be the only way for a Currency "Union" to work but one that would be unacceptable to nationalists.


A Currency Surrogacy would still need agreement from cUK but by basically not making any demands on Westminster and giving them control over Scottish fiscal policy limits they would likely agree (as pp64 of the Treasury Analysis of a Currency Union points to).

The worst of both worlds
It's tempting for a nationalist to argue that Scotland currently has no say anyway so why shouldn't we go ahead with this. Whilst it's good rhetoric it would be a step change from having a direct say, having MPs speaking on our behalf and voting on such matters and Scottish Ministers in government making these policies, to being completely shut out for good and dependent on the decisions of a foreign state.

That's not a step forward in my view nor is it close to independence. However it would be "independence" for some nationalists (it is perhaps similar to the independence that of Greece in recent years) and some may well be perfectly happy to argue for it.

But worst of all, for me, a Currency Surrogacy is effectively the current arrangement without the fiscal transfers, that help pool and share the risk and rewards of the United Kingdom. That means an arguable reduction in democracy for Scots along with a substantial reduction in our living standards. Surely that is the worst of both worlds?


Creative destruction
Independence can be achieved but as I've tried to show over both posts it would be at a considerable price. Some may argue that is a price worth paying. A sort of premium for ideology. That's absolutely fair enough.

All of the above currency options are viable but each has considerable drawbacks and directly impact on the ability of an "independent" Scottish Government to act like an independent entity.

They also severely restrict the Scottish Government's ability to borrow and lose Scotland access to the fiscal transfers that are a key part of the single market. That places the focus right back on the tax and spending decisions that an independent Scotland would have to take.

For the record can I also point out that at no point have I argued that Scotland can't become independent, it's just that it would be achieved at some considerable cost and I'd like to know how that would be paid.

For someone, like me, who lived through the creative destruction of the miners strike I have a great disdain for the concept of premium for ideology. So it would take a very convincing case make me believe that independence was worth it right now.

I'd like nothing more than to see a coherent, well thought out and realistic case for independence, maybe, if they are serious about winning independence it's about time the SNP started to present one.







GERS 2016

So some early thoughts on GERS 2016. Kevin Hague will have the more patient and considered analysis later today but in the meantime here are a few initial thoughts. 

Firstly there were no real surprises. The Scottish Onshore economy like the UK economy shows some signs of recovery in terms of Debt to GDP. 

The UK fell from 5% to 4% of GDP (which is becoming decidedly manageable) whilst Scotland (including oil) went from 9.1% to 9.5%. 

From a population point of view (my preferred measure), the UK deficit moved from £1400 per person to £1,100 per person, whilst the Scottish deficit moved from £2,700 per person to £2,800 per person. 

That works out at the fiscal transfer from rUK to Scotland moving from £1300 per person to £1700 per person. 

In other words about £9bn of the total £15bn total deficit is covered by the UK fiscal transfer. 

The figures followed a revision by the Scottish Government's data which a few people (such as Wings) failed to spot and thus ended up  getting things completely wrong in thinking the deficit hasn't changed. It has, on every possible measure its got worse.  

The onshore economy
However it does bring up an important point. Wings et al like to argue that Unionists don't believe that the Scottish economy is strong, as usual that's his strawman. In fact anyone looking at the figures can see the underlying strength of the Scottish economy. 

For a start, despite the trauma of the oil price bubble busting, the onshore deficit (so comparing the UK deficit with the Scottish deficit excluding oil) has remained static year on year. Infact it's possible to argue that it is falling. 
This difference effectively represents the fiscal transfer to Scotland if you exclude oil. Including oil the fiscal transfer is obviously smaller but it still represents a net flow of money from rUK to Scotland. The only reason for excluding oil in the chart above is to show that Scotland (without oil) is at least keeping in step with the UK. 

Tax and Spend
It's when you look at the tax and spend data that the fundamental reasons for the fiscal transfer arise. 

Any nationalist or unionist will be able to tell you the standard goto line for the SNP when confronted with the Scottish deficit by an ill-informed UK journalist or politician, Scotland pays more tax per head than the rest of the UK. And until GERS 2015 was published this year that was true. 
Over the past 12 months the position has got worse, with Scotland paying in £400 less than the UK average. That still leaves Scotland was one of the strongest areas of the UK when it comes to tax revenue as the UK figures are heavily skewed by the London effect

So with tax comfortably in the UK ballpark (if not ahead of it on a median basis) what's the problem?


The issue is spending. Whilst Scotland has in the past brought in more in tax it has spent far more than the rest of the UK. The net effect of these two figures gives us the higher Scottish deficit and the fiscal transfer from rUK to Scotland. 

However that is nothing to apologise for and I for one wouldn't doff my cap to the UK for a rightful transfer of money back to Scotland (and many other areas of the UK) from London. Without the UK and the free and open market that goes along with it London would not be the powerhouse of tax revenue that it is right now, therefore by benefitting from the single UK market it's only right that London redistributes some of its wealth throughout the UK. That rightfully includes Scotland.

Given our sparse population higher spending in Scotland is perfectly natural and something that no one should be surprised about or apologise for. We should take greater pride in the fact that as part of the UK we are able to afford to provide high quality public services to rural Scotland. 

Over to you Nicola...
GERS gives us a glimpse into the decisions a independent Scotland would need to take. It cannot describe what an independent Scotland will do as with the loss of a £9bn fiscal transfer the current spending, tax and borrow pattern is not open to a new Scottish Government

Therefore under independence we would need to know what changes a Scottish Government would make. Under pressure this morning Nicola Sturgeon effectively said they would borrow the fiscal transfer to alleviate it. That's not really possible as I show here, and as I'll show later when it comes to the currency options for a Scottish Government it isn't possible at all. 

Taxes will have to rise, spending will have to be cut (perhaps withdrawing those rural services for instance) were we to leave the UK. So what's it going to be Nicola?




Independence is only about democracy

Some nationalists are very honest about their case for independence. They fully accept the disruption, the deeply damaging and painful consequences of independence and argue that the debate is simply that full democracy for Scotland is a price worth paying. In other words independence no matter what the cost, no matter how painful it is it's worth it because you can't put a price on democracy. 

That's a fair enough principle, it's a heck of a statement to put your ideology before people's welfare but if that is so important to you then who am I to argue. 


The trouble is very few nationalists actually really mean that, indeed it's often accompanied by a considerable amount of inconsistency which generally shows it up as anything but a principle. In the vast majority of cases it's a just a rational judgement call on the debate between sovereignty and the efficiency of pooling and sharing. 

Pooling and sharing

Let's start at the most obvious level - the SNP do not subscribe to this principle. If they did they would not support being in the EU. 

You cannot argue that the case for independence is all about democracy and Scotland controlling its own affairs only to simultaneously argue that Scotland should "pool some sovereignty for mutual advantage". Indeed the Currency Union from the SNP's Fiscal Commission Working Group was full of the same sentiment, both nations should pool their resources and work together to maintain a common currency, monetary policy and fiscal framework. 

Pooling and sharing for benefit is perfectly natural. The EU operates on the basis of it (it could do more in my view) and many multinational states such as Germany (with the nation of Bavaria) or Canada (with the nation of Quebec) all recognise the advantages of pooling and sharing for their common good. 


The trouble for many nationalists is in terms of principle the benefits of losing some sovereignty for the gain of pooling and sharing is an entirely Unionist position: Scotland and rUK should pool sovereignty for mutual benefit. 


Now it is entirely reasonable for Unionists and nationalists to dispute the extent of the sovereignty that should be pooled to create that mutual benefit, however that is a efficiency argument and not a point of principle. 


This causes considerable difficulties for nationalists arguing that Unionists don't have any "faith in Scotland". If the measure of faith that someone has in Scotland is the extent to which one believes that sovereignty should be concentrated then why support membership of the EU? 

If the point of principle is that independence for Scotland is about democracy and faith in the country then you can't maintain that principle whilst arguing for fishing, agriculture, competition policy, monetary policy and the overall fiscal framework (to give a few examples) not being under the control of the Scottish Parliament. 


The strawman

When confronted with the inconsistency of this position the argument usually degenerates into something along the lines of a strawman such as "Oh so you are saying that the UK is just like the EU are you?" This is usually accompanied by several emojis on social media to show just how clever the response has been. 

The trouble is, like all strawman propositions, is that it is not what is being said. It's really simple, if you think Scottish independence is just about democracy and democratic control for Scotland then you can't very well just give it away again. 


Does that mean that a nationalist can't want a Scotland that is as "independent" as, say, Greece in the EU? No of course it doesn't, again that is a perfectly rational position to hold, it's just not a position that is compatible with independence is only about democracy.


The true nationalists

Of course some nationalists do believe in this principle and apply it correctly. They remain skeptical about the EU and would prefer an independent Scotland outside of the EU, and NATO, the UN and ECHR presumably. For them it really is about democratic control for Scotland. 

Scotland should only be subject to the authority of the people of Scotland. So if Scotland doesn't get the government, laws or regulations it wants then it breaches their fundamental, immutable law of democracy. 


Fair enough, except why does that principle only apply at the level of Scotland? The answer of "because Scotland is a nation" won't really cut it, because I don't see many nationalists calling for the forcible merger of Northern Ireland into Eire, or North and South Korea into a single sovereign state. In the case of Scotland itself, for example, the Orkney Isles have a far greater claim to nationhood than Northern Ireland would so should the principle apply to them and they should be forcibly broken off from Scotland? 


Go back far enough and you can find many historic reasons why Scotland itself can be broken up many different ways. So why shouldn't democracy apply at those ancient levels as well. If this really is the principle then why should the people of the Borders (say) be subject to a government in Holyrood that they may not elect?


Why pooling and sharing matters

Before you know it you are boiling it down to community council level and then to individual house level. Why should my house not have complete control over all the policies enacted in my name?

Now, of course, that is getting stupid and it's supposed to! 


But the reason why it's stupid is that government of any level, short of anarchy, is all about pooling and sharing, we pool our individual sovereignty for mutual advantage. The question is what level that pooling and sharing is most appropriate and efficient. 


Some nationalists may well argue that this principle can only apply at the level of the nation and no other, but cant really answer the question of why. Why is that pooling and sharing only works at the level of one historically fluid border? No amount of stamping of feet and typing of emojis will actually answer that question. 


That's not to say that Scotland isn't a nation (another ridiculous strawman) it's just that there is no rational reasoning why pooling and sharing can only apply at that level. 


The sovereignty & integration spectrum

At the end of the day then, nearly everyone agrees with the principle that pooling and sharing is important for efficient and effective government. As soon as you conceded this point you are simply arguing about the appropriate place Scotland should find itself on the spectrum between complete sovereignty and complete integration. 

We can all have an argument about that, but it's a tactical and efficiency one, it's not a point of principle, the nationalist movement long ago conceded the high ground on that one. 


So if we agreed that this is an entirely pragmatic debate then we should conduct the debate on rational grounds seeking to find the best level of benefit for a given level of pooled sovereignty. Clouding the issue with flags, "faith in Scotland" or saying it's just about democracy doesn't help and just makes the person proposing the line look like a hypocrite. 








A Unionist tries to help out the Nationalists - Part 1 (GERS)

Strange as may seem to many I'm not ideologically against independence, indeed I would have very little issue with it were the UK to ever become a full part of the EU, join the Euro and the fiscal compact

However I'm the first to admit that the UK is highly unlikely to rejoin the EU (let's now take Brexit as a given) and certainly won't sign up to the Euro. I'm also quite sure that the most Scottish nationalists would, quite logically, be opposed to full European integration. You can't very well argue for full democratic control for Scotland whilst simultaneously arguing to cede control over fiscal or monetary policy. 

So let's assume that "my" route to independence is out of the window, for now, and focus on the current case for independence, in particular with respect to GERS and currency. These are the two main impediments to many unionists switching to independence. So rather denial, avoidance or the use of "talking Scotland down" lets try to find some answers. 

I'll deal with currency (the soft belly of the nationalists case) in a separate post later for now let's look at GERS.


The fiscal transfer
Right now the UK provides Scotland with a fiscal transfer, we can see this in GERS and it represents a figure of around £7bn (probably £9bn when the latest figures are presented). 

Absolutely GERS is based on our current spending decisions within the UK. That is not a point of debate, but it shows us where we are now within the Union and what we would lose overnight if we left. The loss of the fiscal transfer would force us to change our spending, borrowing and taxes in some way so GERS cannot represent what an independent Scotland would look like, it would have to be different from our current fiscal pattern. 

Therefore the question is really simple: What would you change?

Now clearly there are some obviously simplistic answers here and I thought I'd get them out of the way right at the start:

We'll borrow it - that just kicks the can down the road. It's a sudden drop in income so borrowing does not solve the problem, it just makes it worse medium and long term and passes the problem on to our kids. Furthermore its highly questionable whether an independent Scotland would have the confidence of the markets to fund the loss of a fiscal transfer through borrowing. International capital investors would be looking for the Government to show a willingness to tackle the problem directly and that means cuts or tax rises. Finally as I'll show in my currency options post, the ability for an independent Scotland to borrow significantly beyond the current UK level would likely be severely restricted.

We'll cut Trident - fair enough, but as a NATO member we are supposed to spend 2% of our GDP on defence (although many nations fall short of that target), we tend in GERS to be below that so it's at best questionable. Furthermore the annual cost of Trident for the Scottish population is about £200M (8.5% of £2bn). But, no question, you can start to make a case for eating into the fiscal transfer by cutting defence. That's probably not going to be popular, it may put our position to join NATO in question and will have job implications, but it's a start. However it's only a start, even if you cut defence to zero you still have a very, very long way to go. 

- We'll tax the rich - Taxing the rich sounds good but it doesn't actually work in practice, according to the SNP. Increasing taxes on the rich in an open and free economy just means that wealth morphs and moves to avoid the higher taxes. Similarly corporation tax increases tend not to bring in more money as they are competitively cut by other nations

-We'll not have UK debt - Not true, debt isn't optional and the population share allocation in GERS is entirely reasonable, if not favourable, to Scotland.

The hard facts are taxes would have to rise (VAT, basic rate income tax), spending would have to be cut (defence, universal benefits, pension tax relief, rural public service levels) and borrowing would have to increase short term (such that this is possible).  

Finally it's worth noting that none of this takes account of the valid unionist critique of GERS which argues that it actually lowballs the size of the fiscal transfer to Scotland. 


I'll deal with that another day, but briefly the main critique would be that the cost of debt is lower than would occur in reality. An Independent Scotland would face higher debt servicing costs due to its lower credit rating than the UK. Similarly the figures take no real account of the capital flight from Scotland in the event of independence something we know from the Bank of England's minutes (referring to work and events that happened during the last days of the referendum) was all too real - and that was before the collapse in oil revenues. 

But for the purposes of debate the GERS figures are the place you have to start if you are a nationalist seeking to persuade a unionist. I'll therefore simply repeat the question. What would you change? 


Anyone wanting to make the case for independence needs to start answering rather than avoiding this question. 

GERS on the 24th will just talk Scotland down

The new GERS will be published on the 24th of August and it's likely to show another substantial fiscal transfer from within the UK to Scotland. 


This fiscal transfer will be worth around £1,700 per head, so £6,800 a year to a family of 4, or £4,285 for every taxpayer in Scotland. Let's also recall that even before revenue from the north sea collapsed Scotland still benefitted from a substantial fiscal transfer from the UK. Indeed the last fiscal transfer that went the other way was 2008-09, over the last 15 years there have only been two years when the fiscal transfer (including oil) flowed from the Scotland to the rest of the UK. 

As the last 15 years show, the fiscal transfer from the UK to Scotland is the norm, but it is absolutely nothing for Scotland to be ashamed about. It simply reflects a rightful flowback against the normal gravitation of our wealth and capital to the centre (London) that you would expect in the capitalist system.


When the 24th comes I won't be graciously thanking the UK for funding our public spending, to me the fiscal transfer is something we're entirely entitled to as a major part of the UK economy. Nor would I apologise for Scotland spending more to protect our rural and sparse population

It will continue to do it's job of pooling and sharing and insulating Scotland from the shock of the oil price fall. It's remarkable how many ultranats brag that our GDP only fell by 1% after the oil price fall but don't even understand that the fiscal transfer was a key part of the cushioning effect and halted what would have been a substantial fiscal crisis. 

Shame too many nationalists will be arguing that it's actually a case for independence, rubbishing the figures or just shouting about talking Scotland down. If they'd listen they might even see the positives.  



Independence is inevitable

Losing is hard. I know, I'm a Hearts and Scotland football fan. There are lots of ways of dealing with failure. Some just go into depression and some form of denial. Others pick themselves up, dust themselves off and get back in the game. And others just don't accept that they actually lost. 

When it comes to the latter category the ultranats fit right in. They argue that Scotland was cheated out of independence or that promises were broken, and some even write a whole book on it that's full of holes

But for those that exhibit signs of depression and denial a new consolation has emerged. Independence is inevitable. 

This comfort meme is based on two ideas, neither of which holds much water. 

Since the indyref
Firstly independence is rising in the opinion polls.  This all flows from the betrayal narrative above but is also based on a selective reading of the opinion polls. 

The trouble is when you look at all the polls since the independence referendum (from What Scotland thinks) the case for the growth in the Yes movement is not there. 

In fact if you use a standard least square regression trend line if anything the case for independence is going backwards. Furthermore none of this takes account of the fact that during the independence referendum the final opinion polls continued to give a bias towards Yes. 

Whilst the Yes vote was broadly correct the No vote was under represented in the final polls as the undecideds were demonstrably shy nos.




So with polling not going the way of the ultranats, then they turn to the breakdown of the independence results to justify this empty hope. 


Why Yes lost
Polling breakdowns of the independence referendum recognise that people's views on independence changed with age and whilst there was no linear relationship, as some ultranats like to claim, it certainly is the case that the older you are the more likely you were to vote No. 

Here then is the new case for inevitability. Whilst Scotland did vote No it only did so because it was held back by old people who sold them out. 

Given time as these younger, energised, Yes supporters mature and the older union supporters die out then surely the Union is doomed. Yes the case for the inevitability of independence then rests on the death of older voters, and even  leading SNP figures use the dog whistle to send this line to their supporters.

The longer term
The trouble is, again, when you look at the data this doesn't stack up - I know that will probably come as a shock to everyone! Supporting the status quo in respect of the Union as you get older is quite normal and has been a long term feature of attitudes towards independence. 

For example the Scottish Social Attitudes survey has been testing the question of Scotland's attitude towards independence and the union since 1999. That gives us a consistent opportunity to look at the long term history of the attitude towards independence. 


Two points stand out from the data. There is a weak positive trend towards independence in the data, but that is strongly related to the recent set of results which are heavily influenced by the independence referendum itself. That is not to dismiss the success of the Yes campaign, they clearly improved the support for independence, but it does highlight a particular issue. We've been here before. 

In 2005 the same survey found a similar two year trend towards independence with support reaching 38% compared to the current 41%. At that point was independence  inevitable? Clearly not, the following years saw the case for independence fall backwards once more. 

More importantly when you look in detail at the data a clear pattern emerges in respect of age. Indeed if you go way back to 1999 a similar "inevitable" case for independence emerged. 

With the young over enthusiastic for independence and the elderly against it there was a clear correlation between age and support for the union in 1999. Other things being equal with the demographics stacked in this way we were set for a consistent and sustainable rise in the case for independence. In other words the old unionist would die out and the young would mature carrying with them their support for ending the union. 

Before anyone throws - ah but it's different this time - it's worth pointing out that in 1999 this younger generation was radicalised by Thatcherism, the poll tax and the frustrations of not being able to achieve devolution for nearly 20 years. This generation was scarred by Westminster, there was no way they would turn their back on independence, was there? 

But as the long term pattern of independence support shows that is anything but the case. Support for independence has waxed and waned over the years with only a very weak trend in favour of independence. 

So something else must be going on? And of course there is - the flaw in the argument is other things being equal, the fact is attitudes to independence change over time with events and with time and evidently maturity. For example the collapse in oil revenues, the abandonment of any pretence to keep the pound, the collapse of the Labour party in the UK and the vote to leave the EU will all have a far greater (and conflicting) impacts on the probability of independence 

Independence isn't inevitable, that doesn't mean it cant happen or the Yes side can ever win in the future but the idea that it is inevitable is just not borne out by any evidence, but you could say that about most of the assertions of the ultranats. 

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